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      英語世界
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      雙語:世界變局中的中國外交政策和中新關系
      發布時間:2022年08月08日     發布人: nanyuzi
      來源: 駐新西蘭使館
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      世界變局中的中國外交政策和中新關系

      China’s Foreign Policy and China-NZ Relationship in a Changing World

       

      王小龍大使在新中關系促進委員會發表演講

      H.E. Ambassador Wang Xiaolong Delivered a Speech at the New Zealand China Council

       

      2022年6月1日

      1 June 2022

       

      感謝新中關系促進委員會邀請我出席今天的午餐會,很榮幸見到如此眾多令人印象深刻的委員會成員。你們是多元而充滿活力的新西蘭社會的縮影,也是豐富而強勁的中新關系的縮影。

      Thank you for inviting me to the luncheon today. I am honored and, honestly, humbled to join such an impressive array of council members, which is a mirror image of the diverse and vibrant NZ society, and also of the rich and robust relationship between our two countries.

       

      我想借此機會與大家分享我對中國外交政策,以及處在迅速變化世界中的中新關系的看法。

      I would like to take this opportunity to share my thoughts with you on China’s foreign policy and our bilateral relationship in this rapidly and in some areas, drastically changing world. I have been advised to wrap all this up in 15 minutes. Not easy, but I will try.

       

      讓我們先從中國政策尤其是外交政策的基本面談起。

      Let me start with the fundamentals of China’s policy, including in particular our FOREIGN policy.

       

      大家也許聽說過中國共產黨和中國政府制定的“兩個一百年”奮斗目標。我們已經實現了第一個百年奮斗目標,即在2021年中國共產黨成立一百周年之前消除絕對貧困,在中國全面建成小康社會,讓中國人民過上較為美好的生活。第二個百年奮斗目標是到本世紀中葉,新中國成立一百周年之際,將中國的總體發展水平提高到中等發達國家水平,使人民過上富足幸福的生活,最終實現中華民族的偉大復興,實現我們所說的“中國夢”。換言之,發展經濟、改善民生一直是并將繼續成為中國的首要目標。其他一切都為此服務,因為它定義了中國所有政策的起點和主題,包括外交政策。而外交政策的核心目標就是為經濟發展和實現中國夢創造和平和有利的外部環境。

      You may have heard of the two “Centennial Goals” set by the Chinese Communist Party and Government. The first such goal, which we have largely achieved, is to eradicate absolute poverty and build China into a “Xiaokang Society”, where Chinese people can lead reasonably good lives, by the one hundredth anniversary of the CCP in 2021. The second Centennial Goal is to elevate the level of overall development of China to that of a medium-level developed country to enable our people to enjoy a happy life of abundance and fulfillment by the one hundredth anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic around mid-century, bringing about the eventual Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation to realize what we call the Chinese Dream. In other, more mundane words, developing the country’s economy and improving people’s lives has been, and WILL BE the paramount goal for China. Everything else flows from there, as it defines the starting point and the overarching theme of ALL of our policies, including our foreign policy, the central aim of which is to create a peaceful and favourable external environment for economic development to take place and for the Chinese Dream to come true. 

       

      盡管我們希望世界和平,但當今世界并不太平。中國有句俗話叫“樹欲靜而風不止”。我們這一代人正在目睹戰后世界史上發生的一些最劇烈甚至根本性的變革。這種變化在某種程度上是由人為造成的所謂新的大國競爭和新冠肺炎疫情引起的,并因近期烏克蘭局勢而加劇。其結果導致不確定性、風險甚至直接危險顯著上升。過去不可能發生的事情似乎正在變得不再那么不可思議了。

      As much as we hope for peace in our world, the world today is hardly a very peaceful place. We have a saying in Chinese, the trees want to stay quiet, but the wind keeps on blowing. Our generation is witnessing some of the most drastic and even foundational changes in our world in post-war history, brought on by, in some cases, unsolicited, renewed great-power rivalry and the Covid-19 pandemic, and exacerbated by the Ukrainian situation more recently. As a result, uncertainties, risks and even outright dangers have risen significantly. What used to be out of the question whatsoever is somehow becoming not that inconceivable anymore.

       

      盡管我們專注于應對當下最緊迫的一些問題,但也絕不能忽視面臨的根本挑戰。我們應及時從已經發生的事情中吸取更大的教訓,以避免措手不及的“膝跳式反射”或在“夢游”中走向失控。

      While we focus on some of the most pressing issues of the moment, we must not lose sight of the fundamental challenges we face, and need to reflect on some of the larger lessons we might draw from what has transpired, to avoid knee-jerk reactions and sleep-walking out of control before it is too late.

       

      以下是中國從近來局勢的發展中得到的一些啟示。

      Here are some of the lessons China has drawn.

       

      首先,我們的世界在很大程度上仍是相互聯系的,而且這些聯系往往比某些人意識到的更密切和多元。無論喜歡與否,無論是疫情、氣候變化、能源安全、糧食安全,還是通貨膨脹和生活成本壓力甚至危機,抑或長期增長和經濟可持續性,世界某一地區發生的事情都會外溢到其他地區。關于“脫鉤”、“去全球化”或“平行體系”的敘事既不反映現實,也無濟于事,只會削弱而非增強世界的穩定性和韌性。

      First, our world is, STILL, very much interconnected. And more often than not, more closely and in more ways than some of us have sometimes realised. Like it or not, be it the pandemic, climate change, energy security, food security, or inflation and cost-of-living pressures or even crisis, or longer-term growth and sustainability, what happens in one part of the world would spill over into the rest. The narratives on decoupling, de-globalization or parallel systems neither reflect the realities, nor are they helpful. If anything, they lead to LESS rather than GREATER stability, robustness and resilience.

       

      其次,國家間或意識形態間的競爭、對立和對抗,以及強權政治和軍事同盟并不是它們所聲稱的解決世界問題的辦法。相反,它們往往是這些問題的根源,甚至是問題本身。依靠“強權即真理”式的霸權,或者損害他國安全,無法確保真正的安全和持久和平。歷史上,由考慮不周的軍事同盟引發或加劇的戰爭并不罕見。最近烏克蘭的事態再次證明,軍事同盟未能防止沖突爆發。如果一方試圖在戰場上戰勝另一方,烏克蘭局勢很難得到解決。唯一的出路是相互妥協和讓步,而這只能在談判桌上實現。歷史經驗告訴我們,沒有別的路可以選,但人們很容易遺忘我們曾付出高昂代價而得來的教訓。將世界描述為民主國家與專制國家的對立是錯誤的和危險的,因為這很可能會導致世界重回冷戰時代,而所有人都太熟悉冷戰的后果,而且都不想再看到它。

      Second, competition, rivalry and confrontation between states or ideologies, power politics and military alliances are not the solutions to the problems of the world they purport to be. On the contrary, they are often the root causes of these problems or even the problems themselves. No real security and lasting peace can be secured through hegemony based on might is right or by making other countries insecure. In fact, history is in no scarcity of wars caused or aggravated by ill-conceived military alliances. Recent developments have again borne out the failure of military blocs to prevent conflicts from breaking out. And there will not be resolution to the current situation if one side attempts to triumph over the other on the battlefield. The only way out will be mutual compromise and accommodation, which can only be found at the negotiating table. Based on lessons from history that were learned the hard way but risk being forgotten, there is simply no other alternative. And framing the world as democracies versus autocracies is wrongheaded and dangerous. For it is a sure recipe for at least relapsing into the Cold War era, the consequences of which all of us are only too familiar with, and none of us would like to see again.

       

      第三,盡管多邊主義,以聯合國為核心的國際體系,以及以集中體現在《聯合國憲章》中的國際法為基礎的國際秩序存在缺陷,但它仍是我們最好的集體選擇,即使對最強大的國家也是如此,對相對弱小的國家尤其如此。在開放和共同商定的規則基礎上開展合作,仍是各國和國際社會實現長期和平與發展以及應對疫情和氣候變化等全球性挑戰的最佳方式。搞集團政治,建立排他性小圈子,制造和加劇意識形態、制度甚至所謂文明斷層線,都違背多邊主義的本質和精神。事實上,它可能導致人類滑入災難的深淵。

      Third, for all its imperfections, multilateralism, the international system centered on the United Nations and an international order based on international law as best embodied in the UN Charter is still our best collective choice, even for the most powerful of all countries, but particularly for the lesser powerful ones. Cooperation on the basis of openness and commonly agreed rules, still represents the best chance of realizing long-term peace and development as individual countries and collectively, and of addressing the global challenges we face, such as COVID and climate change. It goes against the very nature and spirit of multilateralism to practise bloc politics, establish exclusive circles, or create and deepen ideological, systemic or even so-called civilizational fault lines. As a matter of fact, it could be a dangerous slippery slope to unmitigated disasters.

       

      下面,我重點談談中新關系,以及應該如何在世界出現的變局中把握這一關系。

      Let me now move on to our bilateral relations and how, as we see it, they should be conducted in light of the changes in the world.

       

      眾所周知,今年是中新建交50周年。50年前,中新兩國領導人以極大的勇氣和遠見邁出了“破冰”步伐。從那時起,中新關系走過了漫長道路。當時即便是最富想象力的人,也會對后來世界和中新關系的發展感到驚訝。高層交往和由此加深的相互了解和信任,不斷增強的經濟紐帶,深入人心的人文交流,以及雙方在全球和地區層面的合作,讓中新關系成為不同資源稟賦、社會經濟制度和發展階段的國家間關系的典范。

      As you are aware, this year marks the 50th anniversary of our diplomatic relations. The Leaders of the two countries took the courageous and visionary step to break the ice 50 years ago in 1972. We have come a long way since then. And what has happened to both the wider world and our particular relationship must have gone beyond even the most ambitious expectations of anyone back then. The high-level bonds and the resultant deepening mutual understanding and trust, the bursting two-way economic ties, the deeply rooted people-to-people links and the cooperation at both global and regional levels can only be characterized as no less than exemplary among relations between countries of different endowments, social and economic systems, and stages of development.

       

      多年來,這種不斷發展的關系為兩國特別是兩國人民帶來了越來越多的利益,也為全球和平、穩定與繁榮作出了貢獻。2014年,中新將兩國關系升級為全面戰略伙伴關系。 

      This evolving relationship has over the years brought increasing mutual benefits to both countries and above all, both peoples, while contributing, at the same time, to global peace, stability and prosperity, which culminated in the upgrade of the relationship to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership announced in 2014.

       

      我們有充分的理由對中新迄今為止取得的成果感到自豪,也有充分的理由相信我們的合作伙伴關系將在新的階段進一步釋放潛力,因為有諸多因素推動中新關系繼續向前發展。我愿在此做簡要闡述:

      Just as we have ample reasons to be proud of the progress so far, we also have ample reasons to be confident of the further potentials to be unlocked going into the next phase for our partnership, given the drivers that continue to power its growth.

      I shall illustrate briefly some of them here.

       

      在領導人層面,阿德恩總理和習近平主席在去年11月通話時,就攜手將兩國關系提升到新高度達成廣泛共識。這種高層會晤有助于保持雙邊關系的活力,并確保其朝著正確方向發展。隨著防疫限制措施的逐步放松,我們期待恢復兩國領導人和部長級官員的線下互訪。

      At the Leaders’ level, PM Ardern and President Xi Jinping reached broad agreement on working together to take the relationship to new heights during their virtual meeting last November. High-level meetings like this help to keep the relationship pumped and to ensure that its evolution is steered in the right direction. And we look forward to the resumption of leader and ministerial level in-person visits as COVID restrictions ease further.

       

      在經濟層面,今年年初區域全面經濟伙伴關系協定(RCEP)生效以及4月初中新自貿協定升級議定書生效實施,為深化兩國貿易合作提供了新機遇。此外,中國可能成為全面與進步跨太平洋伙伴關系協定(CPTPP)和數字經濟伙伴關系協定(DEPA)成員,可持續農業和可再生能源方面的合作,以及在“一帶一路”倡議下開辟新的貿易路線,都將為充滿活力的中新經濟聯系增添新的增長點。目前,中國已是新西蘭最大的出口市場和貿易順差來源國。中新貿易合作步伐或快或慢,甚至有短暫曲折,但只要中國經濟長期增長的趨勢不變,我完全相信中新雙向貿易和投資在未來還有很大的提升空間。

      On the economic front, entry into force of RCEP at the start of the year and, in early April, of the Upgrade of our bilateral FTA opens up new opportunities for trade to grow further between us. On top of that, both potential membership for China of CPTPP and DEPA, cooperation on sustainable agri-business and renewable energy, and the proposed opening up of new trade routes under the Belt and Road Initiative will add new growth areas to the dynamic economic ties between us. China is already by far the biggest export market and by far the biggest source of trade surplus for NZ. There might be slower or faster patches or even blips in the in the trajectory for trade between us. As long as the Chinese economy keeps growing over the long run, which WILL, I believe, I am fully confident that two-way trade and investment have much further to go in the coming years and decades.

       

      在人文交流層面,新西蘭華人社區更深入地融入新西蘭多元社會,這有助于確保越來越多的民間大使成為兩國和兩國人民更好理解與合作的橋梁,更不用說數以萬計甚至更多的商界人士、留學生、游客和其他人士,他們急切地等待著雙向旅行恢復,并在邊境重開后重新建立聯系。

      People-to-people-wise, the deeper integration of the local Chinese community into the multicultural mosaic of the NZ society has helped to ensure a growing number of people’s ambassadors both ways as bridge-builders for better understanding and cooperation between the two peoples and countries. Let alone the tens of thousands or even more, of the business people, students, tourists and others waiting eagerly to travel both ways and to reconnect once borders reopen.

       

      當然,也并非一切都是美好的。中新關系也面臨著一些挑戰,其中最重要的是處理彼此差異分歧的方式。鑒于兩國歷史文化和經濟發展水平的差異,雙方不可避免地存在一些分歧,這并不奇怪,也不是什么秘密。

      All is not rosy, however. Indeed, the relationship has got its fair share of challenges, the foremost of which is the way we address the differences between us. It is no surprise, nor any secret that some of these differences are inevitable, given the divergence between us in historical and cultural backgrounds and levels of economic development.

       

      但真正關鍵的是,中新雙方是否能夠建設性管控分歧,以免這些分歧被夸大,或者用阿德恩總理的話說,避免讓分歧定義中新關系。我們如何妥處矛盾分歧,將決定我們這對重要雙邊關系的基線。

      The real and crucial question here is whether we would be able to manage these differences constructively so that they would not be blown out of proportions or, in the words of PM Ardern, be allowed to define our relationship. How we answer this question will decide where the baseline for this all important relationship lies.

       

      對中方而言,最好的辦法是在相互尊重、相互理解和包容、互不干涉內政的基礎上,通過對話協商處理分歧。只要遵守這些原則,保持開放視野和心態,中新之間就沒有什么是不能談的。這包括與人權相關的問題,以及我們如何避免誤解、攜手促進南太地區的和平、穩定和共同繁榮。

      For us, the best way to handle this dimension of our relationship is through dialogue and consultations on the basis of mutual respect, mutual understanding and accommodation, and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs. Informed by these parameters and a willingness to keep our eyes and minds open, there is nothing we cannot talk about between NZ and China. That includes, for example, issues related to human rights and how we could avoid misunderstanding and join our hands in promoting peace, stability and common prosperity in the South Pacific region.

       

      另一個挑戰,回到我剛才提到的一個觀點,是我們如何各自和共同應對我們周圍的世界所發生的變化。

      Another challenge, going back to a point I made earlier, is how we might respond, both respectively and together, to what goes on around us.

       

      對中國來說,與新西蘭發展強勁的關系從來都不是權宜之計,而是長期戰略決策,這也符合中方獨立自主的和平與發展的外交政策。全球和地區局勢的任何事態都沒有也不會改變中方對發展與新西蘭伙伴關系的決心。相反,正如我們所看到的,鑒于全球格局的演變,中新在雙邊或全球、地區層面的合作變得更加重要和緊迫。這一點很好理解。

      For China, developing a strong relationship with NZ has never been a choice of convenience. Rather, it has always been a long-term, strategic decision in line with our independent foreign policy of peace and common development. Nothing that has happened in the global and regional situation has changed our commitment to our partnership, and nothing will. On the contrary, as we see it, our working together, either bilaterally or at global and regional levels, have taken on even greater importance and urgency in view of the tectonic shifts in the global landscape.

      The case for that is pretty straightforward.

       

      首先,正如新中關系促進委員會近期發布的疫情暴發以來中新貿易報告充分證明,互補合作和互惠互利有助于兩國經濟實現更大的增長,增強經濟的穩定性、韌性和可預見性。

      For one, cooperation to complement and benefit each other make for greater growth, stability, resilience and predictability for both economies, as convincingly demonstrated in the recent Council-sponsored report on bilateral trade since the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic.

       

      第二,兩國都希望維護公平有效的國際地區規則和架構,都希望保持市場的開放,都希望推動經濟更緊密和深入融合。

      Two, both NZ and China wish to see fair and functioning international and regional rules and architectures, and both are stakeholders in keeping markets open and promoting closer and deeper integration.

       

      更為重要的是一點是,兩國都希望我們共同的家園——亞太地區繼續保持和平、穩定和繁榮,都不愿意看到亞太局勢緊張和不穩定,不希望本地區生亂生戰。

      And last but not least, both NZ and China would like peace, stability and prosperity to continue in the Asia-Pacific region, our common home. Neither would like to see tensions and instability, let alone conflicts or wars in this neighborhood. 

       

      最后,我想談談維護國家品牌的重要性。

      A final observation is on the importance of national branding, as some of you may have already heard me talk about in some of our private conversations.

       

      在國內政治和國家關系中,認知會影響觀察事物的視角,并有助于形成定義實質內容的維度。有時,在外交政策和國內政治中,認知就是實質內容。這就是為什么以廣泛的公眾認知為基礎的國家品牌,是影響國家間關系的一個核心變量。

      In both domestic politics and international diplomacy, perception impacts on the lens through which the substance is to be seen, and helps to shape the parameters for the substance to be defined. And sometimes, in foreign policy as in domestic politics, perception is the substance. That is why national branding, informed by broad-based public perception is a central variant in the equation of relations between states.

       

      在中國,人們普遍認為新西蘭是一個綠色、清潔、開放、友好的國家。這種非常積極的國家品牌是中新關系中最有價值的資產之一,可以說是新西蘭推廣產品和服務最有效的營銷工具。積極的雙向公眾輿論是中新關系大廈最強大的支柱。但我們必須記住,這項資產并非憑空而來,也不是理所應當的,而是通過雙方多年來的辛勤付出慢慢建立起來的。因此,作為中新關系的利益攸關方和維護者,我們有責任悉心保護和明智地用好這一資產,不應任之付諸東流。

      In China, there is widespread cognizance of NZ as a green, clean, open and friendly country. This very positive national branding is one of the most valuable assets of our relationship, and arguably the most potent marketing tool for all products and services from NZ. And a mutually positive public opinion is arguably the strongest of all pillars for the edifice of this important relationship. We have to keep in mind, though, that this asset of ours did not come out of nowhere or as a matter of course, but has been slowly built up with hard work over the years from both sides. Nor can it be taken for granted. It is thus incumbent upon us, as stakeholders in, and custodians of, the relationship, to protect it carefully, use it wisely, and make sure it will not be squandered. 

       

      我們對中新建交50周年充滿期待,這既是慶祝雙方已取得成就的機會,這也是我們從迄今為止的成果豐碩的旅程中總結經驗的機會。在此基礎上,我們可以為兩國關系未來50年及以后的發展規劃方向,為兩國人民帶來更多實實在在的利益,為世界作出更大貢獻,為全面戰略伙伴關系注入更多實質內容。我們期待與新方密切合作,共同實現這些目標。

      We are full of anticipation for the 50th anniversary as both an occasion to celebrate what we have achieved, and more importantly, as an opportunity to reflect on the lessons we could learn together from our common and very productive journey so far, and then on that basis, to chart the way forward for the relationship in the next 50 years and beyond,  with a view to bringing even more tangible benefits to our two peoples, making greater contribution to the world, giving, in that process, ever more substance to the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between us. We look forward to working closely together with the NZ side to realize these goals.

       

      在上述背景下,我認為新中關系促進委員會等機構的重要性怎么強調都不為過。最后,讓我感謝委員會及各位成員為中新關系所作的貢獻。祝愿委員會今天的會議取得成功。

      In this context, I do think the importance of the work of the institutions like the Council cannot be overstated. So let me conclude by thanking the Council and its members for the contribution you make to the relationship. And I wish the Council’s meeting today a success.

       

      謝謝大家!

      Thank you. 

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